ASPECTS OF CIVIL ADMINISTRATION AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN
NINETEENTH CENTURY KNOTTINGLEY
By TERRY SPENCER B.A. (HONS), Ph D.
Preliminary Draft May 2005
CHAPTER NINE
DEATH AND BURIAL
Population
growth and its attendant urbanisation during the first half of the
nineteenth century posed many social problems for the town’s
Authorities, one of which, disposal of the dead, whilst not pre-eminent,
was to demand increasing attention as the century progressed.
The
sole means of disposal of the dead at that time was by burial. From the
time of the Reformation in the sixteenth century every person baptised
into the Christian faith had a common law right to be interred within the
churchyard of the parish in which the death had occurred unless the
deceased was an excommunicate or suicide. The rites of burial were
conducted in accordance with the Book of Common Prayer and undertaken by
the parish priest. The development of religious dissent throughout the
sixteenth century fostered the growth of nonconformism culminating in
adherence to Methodism by a large element of the labouring classes from
the late eighteenth century, which rendered prescribed forms of religious
observance decreed by the Anglican church, unacceptable, not least of
which was the ritual
accompanying burial of the dead. In consequence of the schism, burial in
consecrated ground was an Anglican prerogative and nonconformist
communities looked for alternative burial grounds. The aim was first
realised at Knottingley by the Methodists who built their chapel in the
Ropewalk in 1845, followed shortly thereafter by the Congregational
chapel, erected at the top of the Croft in 1849, both sites providing
ample burial space. (1)
Even
within the Anglican community pressure to find additional burial space
arose by the mid nineteenth century, as centuries old graveyards became
filled to near capacity. The impending crisis was exacerbated by the
demands of demographic change and was given a further degree of urgency by
rising mortality occasioned by urban squalor and frequent epidemic as the
effect of the Industrial Revolution changed the pattern of human
settlement.
As
early as 1828 consideration was given to the enlargement of the churchyard
burial ground at Knottingley. At a Town’s meeting held in St. Botolph’s
church on the 21st August it was decided that land belonging to the
Reverend William Atkinson Wasney which was part of the manorial holding of
the township lying between the existent churchyard and the former Wildbore
manor house was to be appropriated. The money for the purchase was to be
obtained by the sale of the limestone underlying the said land. In order
to expediate the conveyance of the land the Curate, Reverend C.G. Smith
and seven prominent townsmen agreed to be bondsmen to Wasney, the bond
money to be reclaimed from the sale of the limestone. (2)
By
mid 1831 the new burial ground was sufficiently settled for interments to
commence. Burial dues on new graves 7 feet in depth were 7 shillings
compared with charges of 4 shillings for children under ten and 5
shillings for all aged above ten years for graves within the old burial
ground. (3)
The
creation of the new parish of East Knottingley and the building of Christ
Church in October 1848 provided an opportunity to ease the strain on the
burial space available at St. Botolphs churchyard by the creation of a
graveyard adjacent to the new church. Unfortunately, Seatons Croft, the
site chosen for Christ Church, was not sufficiently large to contain a
graveyard and consequently interment of the inhabitants of both parishes
continued at St Botolphs. Whilst it is true that the establishment of a
new burial ground in the midst of a densely housed community could be
regarded as less than ideal in terms of health and sanitation, the
existence of burial grounds for dissenting sects nearby shows how little,
if any, thought was given to such matters, which given the ignorance in
matters of hygiene and health at that time is hardly surprising. The fact
that burial fees formed an important part of clerical income which was not
readily surrendered by the incumbent of the traditionally established
parish was also a factor which influenced the decision not to consecrate a
space for burials within the new parish.
The
physical effect of centuries of inhumation are clearly evident at St.
Botolphs where the churchyard with its mass graves is several feet higher
than the level of the ground upon which stands the church itself. One
reason for the difference in the respective levels may be ascribed to the
psychological attitude towards death and burial. As centuries progressed
and space within the graveyard was increasingly occupied the bones of
previous generations were frequently disturbed, randomly scattered and
covered with a new layer of earth, causing a slight increase in the level
of the churchyard over time as the existing burial site was used to
accommodate each new generation of cadavers.
By
the eighteenth century, the advent of a bourgeois mercantile and
commercial class of largely self-made men with individualism based upon
self-esteem changed the general attitude to mortality. The emergent
attitude was further reinforced by the influence of Methodism with its
stress on individual sinfulness and its literal emphasis on bodily
resurrection. The perceived necessity to retain the body intact engendered
a sensitivity towards the dead which influenced all creeds and transcended
the age old beliefs and attitudes toward the dead and rendered the
randomness of previous ages unacceptable to Victorian society. The changed
ethos supplemented by demographic pressures quickened the process of
overcrowding the churchyard burial ground at St. Botolphs. In 1843, a
number of able-bodied paupers, having applied to the Select Vestry for
relief, were employed to fill in that part of the Town Quarry lying along
the left side of Chapel Street, and in front of the church in order to
make an extension to the burial ground. The Surveyor of Highways was
authorised to employ teams of men and horses to lead all the neighbourhood
rubbish to the site for the purpose of filling the void. (4) Not all the
quarry was utilised for the purpose, however, for a Vestry resolution of
November 1843 sanctioned the formation of a committee comprising two
Surveyors, Edward Long and Samuel Smallpage, together with Messr John
Senior, Thomas Wood and Michael Bentley, to oversee the steps necessary to
fill up a portion of the Towns Quarry and make a burial ground in the
cheapest and most effective manner. (5) Indeed, part of the Town Quarry
was still being worked having been but recently opened following the
demolition of the old Wildbore Manor House to facilitate access to the
underlying stone. (6) The infill of the eastern portion of the Quarry took
about three years to accomplish for in September 1846, the Select Vestry
recommended the Churchwardens to build a suitable boundary wall at the
west end of the new burial ground. (7) The raising of the level of the
churchyard probably dates from this period for in December 1845 the Select
Vestry sought to obtain a terrier in respect of all paupers buried in the
churchyard, while the following year a new scale of charges for pauper
burials was formulated viz:
"For
children under 10 years old three shillings for each grave and for persons
above 10 years old the sum of 4s only for each grave shall be paid."
However,
this has been amended by an inter linear insertion stating
"4
feet deep 3s and 5 feet deep for 4s." (8)
The
measure was at best palliative, for with the growth of the developing
township in mind it was clear that in the long term, provision of an
interdenominational nature was essential.
The
periodic but frequent visitation of disease and epidemic which followed on
from the great cholera outbreaks throughout the land in 1831, stimulated
reform agitation which was given further impetus in 1842, by the Report on
the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Classes of Great Britain compiled
by Edwin Chadwick. The following year Chadwick produced a supplementary
report based upon the findings of the Assistant Poor Law Commissioners
concerning internment practices in towns. The supplementary report
demonstrated the medical and moral inadequacies of current practices and
made recommendations concerning the design, construction and location of
public cemeteries. The urgent necessity for implementation of the
prescribed reforms could only be achieved through the direct involvement
of the State. The absence of social cohesion and suspicion of centralised
social policy combined with issues of free trade, the repeal of the corn
laws and Chartist agitation, to overshadow the more mundane issue of
public burial and although a Royal Commission Report of Health in Towns,
published in 1845, substantiated Chadwick’s findings, no legislative
action occurred until the following decade. The rise of the ‘physical
force’ element within the Chartist movement, however, aided by a timely
recurrence of cholera, did produce the Public Health Act of 1848, which
was a springboard for all subsequent public health measures during the
following sixty years.
The
Public Health act empowered the creation of local boards of health,
subject to the desire of 10% of the ratepayers in any parish. At
Knottingley such a board was established in 1853. Once formed a local
board was obliged to assume a wide range of powers concerning such aspects
as sewerage, drainage and ancillary elements such as water supply, street
cleaning, nuisance control, regulation of offensive trades and lodging
houses. It was not until 1853 however, that legislative provision was made
for the establishment of new public cemeteries. The instrument for such an
undertaking was to be a parochial burial board. The law stipulated that
when a cemetery was established provision should include Roman Catholics
and Nonconformists as well as Anglican interment. Consecrated and
unconsecrated sections were to be clearly demarcated. Where financial
considerations required such provision, a separate burial rate could be
levied on local ratepayers. (9)
As
a result, in July 1857, John Carter, in his role as Select Vestry
Chairman, together with Edward Hawke, the Churchwarden, summoned a meeting
of the inhabitants of the township in the town schoolhouse. The meeting
called in compliance with a regulation which enforced the creation of a
burial board in any place where the death rate exceeded 23 per 1,000 per
head of population, was to determine whether to provide the township with
a new burial ground under the terms of the Act of 16th / 17th Victoria,
1853. It was decided to proceed with the project and a Committee of
Enquiry was appointed by the Select Vestry to survey and carry out the
provisions of the Burial Acts. (10)
Once
underway the prime consideration was the choice of a suitable location for
a public graveyard. Early enquiries concerned the purchase of a piece of
land known as ‘Cock Garth’ from a Mr. Ingham. (11) The land was about
2½ acres in extent and was situated to the north side of the Ropewalk,
the western portion of which is now occupied by the Town Hall. (12) The
Vestry doubtless considered the Cock Garth an ideal site because of its
contiguity to St Botolphs and other denominational places of worship.
Whether from financial considerations or from social desirability of
siting the proposed cemetery in a more spacious, less inhabited location,
the plan to purchase the Cock Garth was abandoned. Alternative sites which
were considered included Banks Close, owned by John Taylor, standing close
to the present day site of Knottingley Cricket Clubs Banks Garth field,
and Wasney’s Field (location unknown) and Park Balk Close, owned by
William Moorhouse and located alongside Womersley Road, to the south
eastern side of the town. (13)
Meanwhile,
at the prompting of the Select Vestry, the Churchwardens called a meeting
with the purpose of appointing a body to undertake the management of the
proposed burial ground. (14) Held on the 18th January 1858 on a motion of
William Moorhouse, a Burial Board was formally appointed. (15) Under the
provisions of the Act of 1852 such a body was to consist of any number of
members between three and nine. Knottingley Burial Board had the full
complement, all nine members being drawn from the ranks of the Select
Vestry. The names of the original members of the Burail Board are: -
William Moorhouse, John Carter, William Jackson, James Willson (sic),
Michael Bentley, William Shaw, Thomas Wood, John Jackson and John Howard.
(16) The Act empowered the Board to manage the cemetery once opened, with
power to fix charges, pay fees and make all appropriate arrangements. The
Board was also empowered to borrow money against the security of the
parish rates in order to cover the expense involved in the purchase of a
suitable burial site. Empowerment to contract for all work in excess of
£100, providing all intended expenditure above that sum was notified to
the public, was also decreed. The 1852-53 legislation also specified that
the membership of the Burial Board should rotate, with one-third of the
number relinquishing office annually at a time specified by the Select
Vestry. In the case of Knottingley the proscribed date was the 6th October
each year with effect from October 1859. Each member of the Board was,
however, eligible for immediate reappointment. Thus Messrs Carter, Jackson
and Moorhouse retired and were re-appointed for a further three-year term
at the Vestry meeting held on 6th October 1859. (17)
The
site finally selected for the public cemetery was that belonging to
William Moorhouse who formally indicated his agreement with the proposal,
viz:-
"Knottingley
Feby 3rd 1858.
I
hereby offer my Park Balk Close to the Township of Knottingley, or the
board now sitting, for the sum of Five hundred pounds, allowing me the
opportunity of taking away the Lime at present set, and the ordinary
valuation of the Land.
As
witness my hand the day and year above written.
[signed]
William Moorhouse." (18)
The
offer from Moorhouse was unanimously accepted by the newly instituted
Burial Board who agreed that payment for the land would be made three
months from the date of Moorhouses declaration. The proposed site was 4
acres 3 roods 18 perches in extent and located on the east side of Racca
Field Lane as Womersley Road was then known. (19) In accordance with
legislative requirements to ensure the maintenance of public health it was
necessary for the Burial Board to report to the State appointed Public
Health Commissioner the state of the drainage of any site chosen for use
as a burial place. To this end John Bentley, a local land agent and valuer,
was appointed to survey the field and draw up a report. (20)
Simultaneously, Bentley was engaged to value the tenant right of the
ground and arbitrate between Moorhouse and the Board concerning the same.
(21)
An
Agreement was formally completed by the 15th March 1858, in accordance
with the conditions of sale specified by the vendor. (22) To facilitate
swift action between parties and thus obviate the crisis of the two
decades preceding, the government had provided for burial boards to obtain
loans with which to acquire land for graveyards. With this in mind the
Knottingley Burial Board appointed William Edward Carter, the Pontefract
based solicitor, to write to the Treasury to obtain its sanction for a
loan of between £700 - £1000 for use by the Board. (23) In the event the
maximum figure requested fell well short of the actual cost and at a Board
meeting in July 1859 it was decided to apply to the Select Vestry for
permission to borrow the full sum required from the government and thus
discharge the financial liability incurred in the establishment of the new
cemetery, with repayment by annual instalments over a period of 30 years.
(24) On the 14th July the Select Vestry delegated full power to the Board
to borrow the total sum of £1,602-19-2½ for the purpose. (25) The Burial
Board had also requested the appointment of two auditors to examine its
accounts, to which the Select Vestry responded by nominating Samuel
Smallpage and Joseph Arnold from its numbers. (26)
State
bureaucracy appears to have thwarted realisation of the Board’s
financial plans, however, for a few months later the Board resolved,
"That
owing to the difficulty of obtaining the money requested by the Burial
Board from the Government on account of various obstructions continually
presented by Her Majesty’s Loan Commissioners, the present Meeting
consider it very desirable and would moreover better promote the interests
of the Burial Board to obtain the requisite Loan from some Private Source."
(27)
The
Board therefore sought to secure a loan from the Pontefract banking
company, Leatham & Tew. The approach was rebuffed, however, but
undaunted, the Board sought reconsideration of its application and
"…endeavour
to induce them…to make such reasonable arrangement..as will obviate the
necessity of making any further application to the Government."
(28)
In
reply the Bank agreed to advance the requisite loan subject to specific
conditions being observed. The loan was to be repaid in 15 annual
instalments with interest thereon and 15 gentlemen of the township of
Knottingley were required to provide security in respect of such payment
by means of a signed document. The response of the Select Vestry was to
accept the imposed conditions and to make application to the Treasury,
seeking power to appropriate the annual sums from the assessed rates of
the town. (29) At a meeting on the 28th June 1860, the Select Vestry
approved the borrowing on £1,582 by the Burial Board against the security
of the Poor Rates. (30) The following month the Board, now assured of
Treasury approval, took the decision to obtain the loan on the proffered
terms and on the 13th August its corporate seal was affixed to the
mortgage deed and agreed that the sum of £105-9-4, being one fifteenth
part of the total loan, be repaid to Messrs Leatham & Tew on the 1st
October 1860. Thereafter, it became customary to pay the annual amount in
two half-yearly instalments for the financial convenience of the township.
(31) The debt was finally cleared on the 6th May 1874, when the Board made
an order for the Overseers to pay off the outstanding balance of
£80-11-2. (32)
The
layout of the cemetery was undertaken under the joint superintendence of
John Jackson and John Bentley who were designated Surveyors of Work. As
the Acts of 1852/53 empowered the Burial Boards to build receiving houses
for the dead it was resolved to build two mortuary chapels, one designated
for use by the Anglican community and the other by nonconformist sects.
The requirements regarding the siting and dimensions of the chapels was
most precise. Each chapel was to be 24 feet long, 15 feet wide on the
interior and 10 feet 6 inches to the square high, each building having a
pitched roof. The buildings were to be erected with one standing at each
side of the main entrance at a distance of 60 feet from the iron gates,
with a minimum of 45 feet between the two chapels to permit a central
walkway to be constructed. In order to minimise cost it was decided to use
Knottingley limestone with dressed corners as the building material while
sand from the adjacent quarry was to be used for plaster to bond the
perimeter walls, chapels and the Sextons cottage. The chapel floors were
to be paved with tool-dressed ‘Cromwell bottom’ flags, lying 3 feet
above the level of the ground and the roofs covered with Westmorland
slate. A cottage, one story high, consisting of two rooms, was to be sited
alongside the perimeter wall to the north side of the main gate with the
ground raised sufficiently to prevent dampness. The architect was a Mr
Parker whose plans whilst generally acceptable to the Board members, were
the subject of some difference of opinion concerning the choice of
materials for the construction of the chapel walls. The proposal to use
Knottingley limestone was questioned concerning its durability, eliciting
the response that
"…if
choice portions of Knottingley Lime be selected by the Superintendents of
the works, the buildings would be sufficiently strong and durable."
The
assurance of the architect instilled such faith in the Board that it was
decided that an earlier specification in favour of using ‘Pontefract
Lime’ be rescinded. However, at a Board meeting held on the 21st June
1858 it was decided,
"That
the Chapels be built of good dressed, pressed bricks, walled head and
stretcher, that no quoins be used in the corners but at the windows, doors
and porches & Co. that Pontefract or Weldon [Castleford] Lime be used
and Knottingley Stone foundations."
The
rescinding of earlier resolutions may well have been forced on the Board
by economic considerations, the traditional use of local limestone
becoming displaced by brick by this time due to comparative costs. The
chapel walls were to be 1½ bricks thick and the interior woodwork of ‘Petersburgh
or Archangel’ deal, with enclosed seating for the mourners. The cemetery
entrance was to have a crescent-shaped recess, a dwarf wall, two feet high
with palisades and iron gates, six feet high. (33)
Having
agreed the specifications, the Board put out the work to tender. John
Brown was given the joiners, painters, glaziers and plumbing work, while
the bricklaying, masonry, slating and plastering was undertaken by Robert
Lister. (34) The work for the palisading of the entrance and the 6 feet
high iron gates was given to John Beaumont of Knottingley, Beaumont
undertook to do the work with as little delay as possible, observing the
financial budget of £9-15-0, 10 shillings per yard for palisading and 10
shillings extra for painting the iron work with a coat of red paint. (35)
The
building work was finished by the Spring of 1859 when all outstanding
accounts were collected and placed before the Board which allowed the two
Surveyors of Works the sum of £21 each. (36)
The
layout of the cemetery consisted of an area of consecrated ground some 54
yards in extent, lying between Racca Field Lane and a gravel path to the
east. The area, which included the Sextons cottage was designated for
immediate use, with the remaining portion beyond the gravel path
stretching east to the boundary wall, being reserved for future use. (37)
The basic design of a square divided centrally across its length and width
with the four quarters sub-divided by narrower walkways to form a grid
iron plan, was designed by Daniel Webster who was paid the sum of £6-1-0
for the plan in August 1860. (38)
Fifty
notices were printed and posted, advertising the post of Sexton. The
position carried a rent free house with an acre of garden. (39) A
condition of the appointment was that the appointee should have no family
under the age of 12 as the laughter and gaiety of children was considered
inimical to the site. (40) On the 6th June 1859, William Cockerham was
appointed as the first Sexton of the township and at the same time John
Bentley was appointed Registrar at an annual fee of £5, both appointments
being for the ensuing year, (41) Cockerhams tenure was very brief,
however, for he died within a few weeks of taking up the post and was
succeeded by Henry Shay in August 1859. (42) Shay also became the town
Pinder in October 1859, thereby setting a trend by which the two civic
posts were combined. (43) The cemetery was consecrated by the Archbishop
of York and the first interment took place when on the 8th June 1859, a
youth of 14 years of age, was buried. (44)
Initially,
committal times were restricted with interments between 1st April and 1st
September being at 5.00pm and at 4.00pm for the remainder of the year,
Sundays included. (45) All orders for funerals were to be given on the day
prior to interment and all fees paid in advance. (46) It was specified
that all graves be dug to a minimum depth of 8 feet. (47) The digging
carried obvious risk to the life of the Sexton as shown by a Board
resolution in August 1859,
"That
an apparatus be provided…for securing the graves from falling in during
the excavation", and Mr Joseph Brown, the Assistant Collector of the
Town Poor Rates, was requested to enquire into the most effective method.
(48) For graves with a depth exceeding 8 foot one shilling per extra foot
was payable and two shillings for every additional foot. In an era of
extra large families and given the high degree of mortality in Victorian
society such deep graves would have been a common requirement. (49) The
imposition of fees reflects the power of the Burial Board to fix charges,
pay clergy and churchwardens and sell grave plots in perpetuity or for a
limited period of time. The constitution the Board membership continued to
reflect that of the Select Vestry with its middle class outlook and values
and therefore ensured the perpetuation of social discrimination with
regard to the administration of the public cemetery. The fact is evident
by reference to the charges levied which were drawn up and by James
Willson (sic) a Select Vestry and Burial Board member, for submission to
the Secretary of State. While interment of adults cost 5 shillings and
that of children 3 shillings, burial was within a common grave, the
wealthy who were willing to pay twice the fee were able to purchase a
grave space in perpetuity and therefore ensure exclusive use of the same.
For the most wealthy, brick vaults could be purchased. (50) One continuing
area of distinction was the disposal of paupers who were now buried within
the public cemetery but although the graveyard location had changed, the
problem of meeting the expenses of death and burial remained the same.
Thus in July 1859 it was decided by the Select Vestry that the
"Application for a coffin be not entertained for a coffin for the
late Ann Masterman." (51)
A
little over a year on a contrary decision was reached when it was decreed
"The funeral fees of Josh. Heath be paid by the Overseers",
probably because the dependants of the deceased were thrown upon the
provision of the parish. (52)
Grave
markers, which ranged in type from simple headstones to more elaborate
monuments, for which, incidentally, designs and proposed inscriptions had
to be submitted for vetting and approval by Board members, to mural
monuments placed within the appropriate chapel at a cost of 5 guineas.
(53) Privilege based on wealth also applied to times of interment which
could take place outside prescribed hours upon payment of 12 shillings
compared with the standard fee of 2 shillings. (54)
The
Board initially limited the size of monuments with headstones confined to
four feet six inches and flat stones not in excess of one foot long, for
which standard fees of 10s 6d and 1 guineas were charged respectively.
Provision existed for larger monuments, however, with a fee of 3 guineas
being payable for all stones over 1 foot but not exceeding 3’ 6" in
height. Here again, the size specified could be exceeded by "special
agreement" and as the dependants of those who died in possession of
the greatest wealth invariably exerted the greatest influence, permission
was assured. Thus, the socio-economic distinction which had differentiated
in life was perpetuated after death. (55)
One
anomaly which had previously been the cause of much resentment was the
discriminatory treatment practised against non conformists. Not only were
dissenting ministers denied access to parish graveyards but even where a
rare degree of tolerance on the part of the Anglican incumbent would have
granted such access Canon Law stipulated that the parish priest conduct
the rites and receive a fee in respect of his officiation. The Burial
Amendment Act of 1857 removed the anomalies by equalising the fees payable
to ministers of religion for acts of burial. The effect is seen with
reference to Knottingley where fees were 2 shillings for ‘ordinary’
funerals and 12 shillings for ‘morning’ ones regardless of whether
they took place in the consecrated section used by Anglicans, or
unconsecrated ground used by dissenters. (56) It is somewhat ironic that
the Consolidating Act which removed the source of discrimination was
itself resented by non conformists because of the arbitrary manner in
which fees were set by the predominantly Anglican members of the Burial
Board.
With
the opening of the public cemetery the burial ground of the parish church
was naturally less used although families with grave rights and tombs
therein continued to use them, one notable case being William Moorhouse
who was interred in the family vault in St. Botolphs graveyard in 1865.
(57) Infrequent use of the church graveyard resulted in its becoming
somewhat neglected and in July 1863 the Select Vestry requested the
Surveyor of the Highways to make the old burial ground decent by pulling
down the existing fence and building a permanent wall with substantial
coping in its place. (58) However, as late as the following April the
Surveyor had to be further requested to "proceed with the wall at the
Churchyard forthwith." (59)
The
wall was evidently built soon afterwards for in August 1864 the Select
Vestry decided that it was, "inexpedient to fix palisading on the
wall connected with the wall of St. Botolphs church." (60)
Neglect
of the wall at the east side of the church yard continued for almost a
further twenty years. In March 1882 it was reported to be in danger of
falling and at that time the Vicar suggested that part of the defunct
Towns Quarry abutting Chapel Street should be filled in and restored as an
extension of the church graveyard. (61) The suggestion had first been
mooted in a letter sent to Pontefract and District Highways Board by the
secretary of the Archbishop of York. The letter was greeted with hilarity
by the Board members who regarded the proposed task as a practical
impossibility. (62) However, after further agitation the work was
undertaken and the churchyard extended on the site of part of the old
quarry. The existence of the public cemetery obviated the use of the
churchyard extension for burial purposes. A new entrance was therefore
constructed at the top end of Chapel Street and in July 1894 the
foundation stone of the St. Botolphs Parish Rooms was laid in the
reclaimed area. (63)
©2005 Dr. Terry Spencer
| INDEX |
INTRODUCTION
| CHAPTER ONE | CHAPTER
TWO | CHAPTER THREE | CHAPTER
FOUR |
| CHAPTER FIVE | CHAPTER
SIX | CHAPTER
SEVEN | CHAPTER
EIGHT | CHAPTER NINE
| CHAPTER TEN |
|
