KNOTTLA FEAST
by TERRY SPENCER, B.A. (Hons), Ph D
FROM FAIRS, FESTIVALS and FROLICS,
KNOTTINGLEY, Circa 1840 - 2003
Volume One (2003)
PAGE ONE | PAGE TWO>
(above) Aire Street, the traditional site for Knottingley Feast
The modern
image of the fair is one of outdoor entertainment for pleasure seeking
people but such a concept is one which has developed over the last two
centuries being born as a result of the Industrial Revolution.
The
linguistic term ‘fair’ derives from the Latin word ‘feriae’
meaning holidays and also ‘forum’; a market place. (1) Thus the two
definitions combine to produce the basic elements of a fair; a festive
occasion and an open space conducive to the transaction of business.
While it is
true that fairs in the pre industrial era catered for pleasure-seekers
this aspect was secondary to commercial opportunities and the consequent
business transactions arising from such events. (2)
The origin of
‘Knottla Feast’ is lost in the mists of antiquity but it is clearly
evident that the event was directly connected with ecclesiastical
observance for the predominant factor in the establishment of any fair was
the gathering of the inhabitants of any community at their local church on
an occasion of religious significance for that community, such as the
feast day of the saint to whom the church was dedicated.
It is
reasonable therefore, to assume that the feast at Knottingley began as a
Church Ale held on the 17th June each year to mark the feast day of St. Botolph, the dedicatee of the chapel of ease which served the local
community and as there is architectural evidence that such a chapel was in
existence by early Norman times one may conject that the towns fair dates
from the early medieval period.
The earliest
manifestation was probably in the form of a church service followed by
sports and feasting attended by friends and acquaintances. An increasingly
important element however, was the opportunity presented by social
intercourse for business of a commercial nature to be undertaken. Thus,
within a relatively short space of time the annual event became an
economic as well as a religious institution, pleasure being an adjunct of
the feast day.
From the
earliest times business was conducted within the confines of the church
yard but as time progressed the lay elements with the emphasis on business
and jollification rather than religious observation began to be regarded
as deplorable by the Church authorities, particularly as such activities
began to encroach upon the precincts of the church, and such activities
were therefore discouraged by the local clergy and the church wardens. By
the late thirteenth century it had become necessary to formulate statutes
making the holding of fairs in churchyards illegal and it may be that at
this period Knottingley feast began to be held on the Flatts, an area of
common land lying close of St. Botolph’s Church. (3)
The
thirteenth century was one of substantial social and economic change at
Knottingley. The establishment of corn and fulling mills alongside the
River Aire at the Western edge of the manor during the previous century
had resulted in the construction of a weir across the river to provide the
motive power for the mills and this necessitated the transhipment at
Knottingley of all goods carried on the waterway. (4) Thus, by the
thirteenth century the settlement was already a significant inland port
which not only served to victual Pontefract Castle but controlled the
distribution of goods and materials over a wide area of the county of
Yorkshire. (5)
The
development of trade allied to demographic expansion resulted in the
reorganisation of the manor of Knottingley with the realignment and
extension of the open field system and the development of secondary areas
of settlement such as those of Racca and Fernley (Swinley) Green. (6)
Developmental
circumstances therefore favoured the relocation and enlargement of the
local fair. The thriving river port would also ensure the attendance of
buyers and sellers and casual visitors from distant parts to swell the
throng, bringing goods and produce to meet the requirements of the local
populace, while the proximity of Pontefract Castle, guarding the land and
water routes of the surrounding district was sufficient to warrant the
security and prosperity of the fair.
It must be
emphasised however, that the evidence concerning the origin and
development of Knottingley fair is circumstantial. Fairs could only be
established by Royal Charter of Act of Parliament from the medieval period
and there is no extant documentation concerning the manor of Knottingley.
However, many early charters cannot be traced even for otherwise well
documented fairs which are therefore deemed to be fairs of ancient
prescription. It is known that as late as the mid-eighteenth century the
Honour of Pontefract, of which Knottingley was a constituent part, held no
less than nine fairs, one of which may well have been associated with
Knottingley. Furthermore, early grants frequently specify fairs of four
days duration commencing on the eve of the patrimonial festival, a pattern
which applied at Knottingley until quite recent times.
As early as
1186 King Henry II granted to Henry de Lacy, Lord of the Honour of
Pontefract, the right to hold a fair on St. Giles day (7) Henry de Lacy
held the Honour of Pontefract for over forty years and it is not
improbable that in his capacity of Tenant in Chief he would permit a fair
to be held at the increasingly busy and important port of Knottingley for
such a grant would ensure a significant increase in manorial revenue from
tolls levied on merchants and pedlars for the privilege of bringing their
merchandise to the fair and from dues paid by them for the protection
afforded by the lord of the manor. The right of subsequent manorial lords
to collect tolls from people using the Flatts was asserted well into the
twentieth century and suggests the continuance of bygone observation which
may have a connection with the early day fairs. (8)
By the mid
eighteenth century the combination of the Reformation, Puritanism and
indifference born of increasing secularisation had resulted in
non-observation of many of the church festivals of yore, including the
elimination of observation of many saints’ days. Further detachment from
patrimonial association occurred in 1752 with the adoption by Britain of
the Gregorian Calendar. The requisite advancement of the date by eleven
days initiated a change in the date of the observance of the feast at
Knottingley which henceforth fell within the octave of the feast of St.
James, resulting in the fair being held in the week preceding August Bank
Holiday. (9)
It was from
the early nineteenth century that the character of the local fair changed.
Improvements in communications through the establishment of turnpike
roads, the construction of canals, assisted by the enclosure of common
land, promoted new methods of production and distribution. The
availability of corn and meat in all seasons of the year resulted in the
establishment of specialist markets and trade halls. The hiring of
domestic and agricultural labour had become a feature of many old
established fairs in consequence of the Black Death and the collapse of
the feudal system and the attempted regulation of labour by the Tudor
dynasty. The industrial and agricultural revolutions of the eighteenth
century increased the demand for labour which was more readily available
due to demographic expansion early in the following century. By that time
Statute (Stattis) or hiring fairs became increasingly focused on market
towns such as Pontefract and fairs held at other venues were transformed
from predominantly business affairs with subsidiary entertainment to
events in which amusements were the principal feature.
In the early
decades of the nineteenth century entertainment’s were largely in the
form of booths and sideshows featuring Punch & Judy, waxwork exhibits,
camera obscura, fortune-tellers, portrait painters or more exotic exhibits
such as caged wild beasts and freak shows. An element of the traditional
fair was retained in the form of jugglers, tumblers, fire-eaters and
stalls offering refreshments such as hot peas, nuts and gingerbread.
Similarly, the sale of merchandise such as ribbons and lace and other soft
goods was a retention of the commercial element of the traditional fair.
Such riding machines as there were relied on manual or horsepower and were
few in number.
The adaption
of steam power wrought a revolution in fairground entertainment.
Scientific machines for testing weight, height or strength supplemented
mechanical rides with steam engines providing the motive power. The advent
of these rides tipped the balance of fairground attractions from sideshows
to mobile apparatus although the development of the national railway
network which ensured a wide range of goods in local shops and regular
replacement of stock was also a factor in the decline of the trading
element of the fairground. Nevertheless, by adaptability, stalls offering
brandy snap, coconuts, toffee and foodstuffs such as jellied eels and
tripe and onions continued to be a feature of the local fair. It is
against this background of developing technology that events concerning
Knottingley feast took place during the half century before 1880. (10)
As a maritime
community, life at Knottingley was punctuated by the frequent and quite
prolonged absence of seafarers from the town who together with their
families, often spent time aboard ship in the summer season. (11) An
adjunct of voyaging was that a considerable number of local inhabitants
settled in distant locations. (12) Long before the establishment of mass
communication it had become customary for exiled natives and local
mariners to return to Knottingley at feast time.
"Relations
of inhabitants flocked to Knottingley on Sunday with many sea-faring men
who were in port running down to see home and friends once more"
(13) reported a
local newspaper in 1890. Even in 1909 when the towns’ maritime trade had
declined to a mere semblance of its glorious past and given way to
industries such as pottery and glass manufacture, it was recorded; "Many
who belong to the ‘village of glass bottles and boats’ but are away
all year, make the Feast their holiday time. Old friends in the streets
who had not met since ‘last feast’ adjourned to the nearest tavern for
a ‘pot o’ ale’ for their health’s sake." (14)
Following the
opening of the Aire and Calder canal in 1826 a further practice arose and
by mid century locally owned vessels, moored stem to stern in a line from
the Bendles to Stubbs Bridge, and dressed overall, marked the occasion of
the annual feast. (15) The feast was clearly a time of great merrymaking,
based in considerable measure on the reunion of family and friends. The
feast time was the "Season
when friends and relations from far and near pour in amongst us and
everything is hospitality and goodwill."(16)
As late as
1928 it was reported that there were "many
former inhabitants renewing acquaintance with their former
homes. (17)
The influx of
former residents, together with visitors attracted from outlying districts
combined to ensure that even at times of severe trade depression and high
unemployment the fair attracted a large attendance. Indeed, such was the
throng that by the 1840s the Select Vestry ordered that Aire Street should
be closed to vehicular traffic for the duration of the feast and this
decree was still being observed almost a century later. (18)
It is of passing interest to note an attempt in 1848 to move the Feast
from its traditional site. At a meeting of the Select Vestry held on the
29th
June 1848, Robert Thwaites, supported by Joseph Senior, proposed "That
the annual feast shall be in future held on Racca Green." (19)
The reason
for the proposal is not recorded. Perhaps a conflict of interest had
arisen between those exercising traditional rights in respect of the
Flatts and the public in general. Equally, the restrictions imposed upon
traffic in and through the increasingly busy commercial centre of the town
may have been regarded as an unjustified constraint and prompted the
relocation of the Feast to the Racca which at that date was an area of
secondary habitation, largely rural in character, which in the context of
urban development was to remain so for almost another forty years. With
its sparse and peripherally located dwellings and large centrally situated
swathe of green, the Racca offered an ideal site for the fair, such
locations being commonly associated with village fairs in general.
Whatever the motive underlying the proposal which was passed by the Select
Vestry nem con, the measure proved to be of temporary nature for the
following year the Vestry resolved "That
the [Parish] Constable demand of the showfolk’s rent for setting up
their shews (sic) on the flatts (sic) to the amount of £1-1-0 per
night." (20)
The above
resolution is the earliest indication of charges being levied for the use
of the Flatts and one may conject that the itinerant showfolks, realising
the better custom to be gained, had insisted on a return to the
traditional site of the Feast and the Vestry in conceding to the demand
had decided to seek some recompense by charging rent for the privilege of
using the site. However, there is no evidence of the rent being collected
and such payment did not become regularised until almost twenty years
later. At a meeting of the Select Vestry on the 15th July 1867,
it was again proposed to "…charge
stalls, puppet shows, Hobby-Horses and all similar erections a rent for
permission to fix them on the Flatts during the Feast & Co." (21)
The Surveyor
of Highways was instructed to collect the tolls and apply them to
supplement the Highway Rate. Once again however, the proposal was not
implemented as there was insufficient time to give the requisite public
notice and organise a system of collection. That the Knottingley public,
or at least the rate paying element, favoured supplemental rates is beyond
doubt for at a Town’s Meeting on the 8th August a proposal by
William Worfolk "that
a rent be charged to persons for stalls, theatres, Hobby-Horses and
similar erections for permission to erect them on the Flatts and that no
entertainment or stall &Co., to be permitted to remain longer than one
week" was greeted
with unanimous acclaim especially as a further resolution advised the
local Vestry to use the ensuing revenue "to
the advantage of the township." (22)
Implementation
of the resolution regarding the duration of the showmen’s stay appears
to have been somewhat difficult or lax for in 1878 the Vestry Clerk was
authorised to convey to the Surveyor of Highways the desire of the Select
Vestry that steps be taken to remove erections from the Flatts in respect
of the said resolution. (23) It is well documented that one popular
feature of Knottingley Fair, Vicker’s Alhambra Theatre (colloquially
known as the ‘rag and stick theatre’) stayed well beyond the feast
period each year, being "located
on the Flatts at Feast-time and for some time afterwards" although it
appears that their season ended in late August. (24) As the Vestry
decision was dated 31st October, it therefore seems probable
that the offending parties were itinerant showmen who had made a
speculative appearance en route to a larger venue such as Hull Fair rather
than being a lingering element of the town’s feast held some months
before.
The issue of
levying tolls for use of the Flatts resulted in a protracted dispute
between William Worfolk and his fellow Vestrymen. Worfolk, a shipbuilder
and smallholder, had resided in the town since 1843 and in 1878 had
purchased a half share of the manorial rights. A forceful, contentious man
with a penchant for litigation, Worfolk was no stranger to controversy.
(25) Worfolk asserted that the right to levy tolls for use of the Flatts
was his prerogative as the Lord of the Manor. The uncertainty concerning
the exercise of such right may account for the hiatus which occurred
between the initial decision of the Select Vestry to levy tolls and the
attempt to do so some years later. The matter was not settled until 1908
when Knottingley Council, the successor to the Select Vestry, obtained a
legal judgement in its favour. (26)
Meanwhile,
the Select Vestry, despite its desire to charge for use of the Flatts, was
compelled to countermand Worfolk’s attempt to do so by issuing a
statement that "All
person visiting the feast will be allowed to set up their stalls, shows
and other temporary erections free during feast week and they be requested
not to pay anybody whatever….for the present year." (27)
The
concluding phrase reveals the hope that the issue would be a temporary
inconvenience which once settled would allow the Vestry to charge a toll
thereafter. However, in 1881, the issue was forced when a Town’s Meeting
on a show of hands, voted against the Vestry proposal to charge for use of
the Flatts. (28) Yet despite this expression of popular opinion the Select
Vestry sought to assert its presumed authority and in April 1883 empowered
the Waywarden, George Greenhow, to make a variable charge based upon the
size of the plot of land occupied by each showman and sought moral and
legal support from the Pontefract Highway Board. (29) Greenhow, however,
met with a refusal to pay when attempting to collect the rent from one
Robert Heap and therefore overturned Heap’s stall and the apparatus for
boiling peas, scolding two children in the process. Greenhow was
subsequently sued by Heap and others but the Pontefract Magistrates Court
dismissed the cases. (30)
Incidents
arising from the disputed ownership of Knottingley Flatts are considered
elsewhere (31) meanwhile the Feast continued to be located on the Flatts
until the demolition of Aire Street in the 1960s.
The
transition of the Feast from traditional to modern was remarked upon as
early as 1885, comparing the contemporary scene with that "in
days gone by [when there was] nothing but the fair to amuse one’s
friends when Wild’s Theatre or some mountebank show with other similar
attractions, or the old swinging boat and the quaint merry-go-round with
some wonderful monstrosity of nature were all that could be seen outside,
or in the street or were exhibited on Flatts; but now this is
changed."
After listing
the existence of the local Horticultural Show and Athletic Sports,
together with the contribution made to the local culture by the town’s
band, the writer concluded that such things "in
the days we speak of would have been thought wonderful in our rural
village." (31`)
Marvelling at
the impact of technological change the writer alluded to "Mammoth
merry-go-rounds driven by steam [and] made so that the rider might imagine
he was riding on a bicycle or a beautiful horse or enjoying a boat
excursion" (32) and while "Knottingley
Feast was celebrated for its fun and merriment when dancing shows were
there in plenty that is now passed away" and "the
small theatres of the past have given way to the popular Alhambra
Theatre." (33)
While the
Feast of 1885 made a further acknowledgement of developing technology in
the existence of a photographers studio there were plentiful reminders of
an earlier age in the presence of a quack doctor, freak show, bazaars and
aunt sallys, bygone features which were to continue to form a part of what
was frequently and scathingly referred to by the local press as "attendant
paraphernalia"
Another
attraction enhanced if not born of technological development which
appeared at Knottla Feast in 1883 was the "Ghost
Show with its thrilling sight and sounds [and] was numerously patronised"
(34) while the
cinematograph show which by 1902 was sufficiently well established to draw
the adjective "usual" in a report of its presence on the Flatts.
By the turn of the twentieth century roundabouts such as the ‘farmyard
and horses’ (colloquially referred to as ‘cocks and hens’),
switchbacks, galloping horses and "roundabouts
of every description" all steam
driven, were a common sight at the annual fair.
The first
application of steam power as the motive force for such rides occurred in
the mid 1860s. Before the
1880s the roundabouts consisted of wooden horses suspended from overhead
pivots with no base or platform beneath, a format which may still be seen
on many children’s roundabouts to this day. The introduction of
centrally situated engines facilitated the adoption of a base or spinning
platform incorporating sets of ‘animal’, three or four abreast. A
further development was the division of the base platform into hinged
sections to produce the ‘hills and hollows’ undulations of the modern
roundabout.
The ‘farmyard’
or variant ‘Noah’s Ark’ was so named because of the animal figures
fixed to the revolving platform while the ‘switchbacks’ were named
from the motion of the platform undulations and are first referred to at
Knottingley in 1893. (35) Its presence was still a novelty the following
year when it was reported that "Tuby’s
switchback has lost none of its charms." (36)
By 1907 the
scenic railway had made its appearance and by 1910 the roundabouts whilst
retaining their basic design were referred to as ‘motorised’,
presumably because they had been converted from steam powered to
electrically driven machines. (37)
On the eve of
the Great War the ‘Cakewalk’ and the ‘Joy Wheel’ had joined the
switchback on the Flatts and with such innovative technology one can
understand why it was that the Feast had been eagerly "anticipated
for months." (38)
Amongst the
sideshows one of the most novel was the "Champion
Diver in the World" who was
reported to have dived from a thirty-foot ladder placed on board a keel.
(39) Presumably the dive was into the River Aire, although the report does
not state so. If the feat was thus undertaken it is all the more
remarkable for the river is notoriously shallow alongside the Flatts being
designated as ‘Knottingley Shallows’ in ancient documents. (39)
Another feature held in great esteem was the periodic appearance of the
Boxing Booth. One is mentioned on the Flatts in 1910 although it had
doubtless made an appearance long before that date. In 1938 it is again
mentioned as an arena in which "local
men, Tommy Garner, Joe Boyes and Paddy Ryan showed their metal against the
Booth boxers." (40)
The Boxing
Booth provided more than an opportunity for local ‘young bloods’ to
test their manhood, for in the depressive era of the Thirties it offered a
‘purse’ to supplement meagre income. Likewise, economic hardship drew
many aspiring boxers to the occupation of fairground pugilist with
itinerant boxing booths and a number of British and indeed, world
champions of the period immediately following the Second World War honed
their skills in fairground shows before the war. (41) The present writer
can recall three visits to Knottingley Feast by the renown Bosco’s Booth’
in the years immediately following the war, and indeed, participating in
one bout circa 1951, albeit against local opposition. Interestingly,
during the second such visit the booth was situated on a sliver of waste
ground near the east-end of the Flatts but at the opposite side of the
road.
Shooting
galleries became a popular feature at fairgrounds in the last quarter of
the nineteenth century. The semi-rural aspect of Knottingley township at
that time together with the numerous rural settlements in the vicinity
meant that firearms were in common use throughout the district in order to
control vermin or to shoot rabbits and hares to supplement the diet of
frequently large and impoverished working class families. In addition, the
existence of regiments of local militia assisted the popularisation of
shooting galleries. At the Feast of 1878 two such galleries were set up
for their respective proprietors, John Robinson and Caroline Tuby, were
charged at Pontefract Magistrates Court in July that year with permitting
the discharge of a rifle within 50 yards of the highway. It was stated in
their defence that the rifles were fired to clean them as otherwise it
would be dangerous for public use and that such a practice was permissible
in other towns. The court took a different view however, and the gallery
proprietors were fined 2s 6d, plus costs. (42)
Gambling was
prohibited in public but there seems to have been a fine distinction as to
what constituted gambling. Thus, ‘roll-a-penny’ and, at a later date
‘slot machines’ were regarded as acceptable fairground features while
other games of chance were not. In 1879, four men were charged with
playing ‘Billy Fairplay’ at Knottingley Feast. The game was one in
which money was gambled on the ultimate destination of a marble which was
rolled down a board sub-divided into coloured sections. It was averred on
behalf of the accused that the game was allowed to be played by gentlemen
at Pontefract Races but was a pleasure denied to workingmen attending the
fair. Regardless of this assertion (or perhaps because of it??) the four
accused were taken into custody, fined £1 each, with costs, and
threatened with one months hard labour in default of payment of the fine.
(43)
Vickers
Alhambra Theatre was an evergreen feature at Knottingley Feast for more
than 40 consecutive years. A reference in 1881 to the tenth anniversary
appearance of Mr. Vicker’s Royal Alhambra Theatre reveals the date of
its first appearance on the Flatts, a fact confirmed by a much later
statement that the theatre "has
visited the town annually for considerably over 20 years." (44)
However
welcome to the generality the travelling theatre had some critics within
the town who for reasons of religious belief, whether sincerely or
sanctimoniously expressed, regarded such entertainment’s as morally
harmful. Indeed, for generation upon generation the public authorities had
paid lip service to such a belief, albeit as a cover for the suppression
of potential anti-establishment propaganda and theatre shows were only
permitted by the issue of a licence by the Lord Chamberlains Office. It
was only from the mid nineteenth century when constraints were eased
somewhat, that theatre performances became a feature of fairground sites,
although a degree of censorship continued to be exercised by the Lord
Chamberlains Office until beyond the middle of the following century.
(above) Photographs from Knottingley Feast
Travelling
theatres had in fact visited Knottingley Feast before 1870 but as the item
previously quoted reveals, were less imposing than that of Mr. Vickers
(45) which apart from being of grander appearance and consisting of a ‘choice
company’ also presented a programme which "provided
healthy recreation and thereby raised the moral tone." (46)
The
popularity of the ‘rag and stick’ theatre as it was affectionately
known is testified by numerous local newspaper references to its being "one
of the old attraction", and "well patronised past and
present." (47)
Consequently
there were "Spicy
melodramas at Mr. Vicker’s theatre which was crowded every night"
(48) and again, "No
one does it better at Knottingley Feast than Mr. Vicker’s theatre which
is crowded every night." (49)
So popular
was the Royal Alhambra Theatre that within a few years of its first
appearance it had established an extended seasonal stay, continuing to
provide performances beyond the traditional duration of the Feast, being
"located
on the Flatts at Feast time and for some time afterwards." The theatre
invariably enjoyed a ‘successful run’ right up to the close of the
season which terminated at the end of August. (50)
To show his
appreciation of the constant patronage Mr. Vicker’s sought to give
something back to the community. On Thursday 12th August 1880
for instance, Vickers provided a tea at the Buck Inn for all women of
Knottingley who were over 60 years of age. A report in the local press
refers to the event as being "in
accordance with a custom established for several years" thereby
revealing that such largesse was afforded by the grateful proprietor
within a few years of the initial appearance of the show at Knottingley.
Following the tea the assemblage repaired to the theatre, standing across
the road on the Flatts, and enjoyed an entertainment provided by the
theatre company. (51)
Almost a
quarter of a century later the event was still being observed for on
Wednesday 21st September 1904, an ‘Old Folks Treat’ was
held in Knottingley Town Hall. The theatre orchestra played selections
throughout the tea which was followed by a short dance before the guests
were taken to the theatre to see a performance of ‘Our Baby’. (52) The
above event was probably the last held in that particular form for there
is no record of such after 1904. However, benefit performances took place
after that date. In 1907 the subscription list of Pontefract Dispensary
Committee reveals a donation of £3-6-0 by Mrs. Vickers, from which it
would appear that the proprietorship of the theatre had passed into the
hands of that lady. (53) By that date the practise of holding shows to
raise funds for local charity had become more widespread among the
fairground community. On the last Tuesday of July, 1907, Mrs. Vickers and
another proprietor gave benefit performances for the Dispensary funds and
the following evening Farrars’ Cinematograph Show devoted takings from
the last performance to the same cause. (54) Benefit performances
continued on an annual basis thereafter and it is interesting to note that
in 1908 the theatre proprietor was a Mrs. North, which may be an
indication that Mrs Vickers had either disposed of the theatre or had
perhaps remarried. (55)
In 1896 it
was reported that, "As
big a muster of shows on the Flatts as ever which seemed to get their
share of loose coppers. On Sunday an effort was made to try to drain some
of the oddments into a more useful channel – the coffers of the
Pontefract Dispensary." (56)
In the light
of Vickers’ obvious generosity the comment may seem somewhat harsh but
whether by dint of implied criticism or the desire to emulate the example
of Mrs Vickers, there is no doubt that the dawn of a new century was
characterised by a new era of benevolence on the part of the showfolks.
Barkers
circus, in attendance with the Feast in 1902, gave a big-top entertainment
with half the proceeds donated to Pontefract Dispensary and the same
season Harry Tuby’s roundabouts were run for one hour with the entire
proceeds donated to the Dispensary. (57) Thereafter the system was
expanded. In 1907 several proprietors donated one hours takings. In 1930
it was reported that "The
showmen displayed their customary generosity by giving a portion of their
takings to the funds of the Knottingley Infirmary Committee despite heavy
rain affecting attendance." (58)
The gesture
had been repeated annually throughout the early decades of the twentieth
century, with two hours proceeds being given by 1934. (59)
A principal
attraction at the Feast in 1883 was a "circus
with all its feminine talent" (60) and in 1902
Bakers Circus formed an integral element of the fairground attractions.
However, circus and fair, while generally regarded as allied forms of
entertainment, normally retained separate identities.
A regular
visitor to the town for at least half a century was ‘Wombwells’ Royal
Menagerie of birds, beasts and reptiles which is recorded at Knottingley
as early as 1863 and at frequent intervals until just before the Great
War. (61) In 1881 Fosset’s Grand Circus visited the town on ‘Feast
Monday’, albeit in an independent capacity. On that occasion, a parade
led by a ‘car’ containing the circus musicians and followed by a
retinue of outriders, clowns and animals toured the streets of
Knottingley. A well attended children’s matinee in the afternoon was
followed by a crowded evening performance, the circus commanding a
combined audience of about 2,000 during its brief stay. (62) Again, in the
wake of the Feast, Bailey’s renown Circus came to town on Monday 10th
August 1896. Occupying Howard’s Field, Gas House Lane, the entourage
gave afternoon and evening performances to large and appreciative
audiences before striking camp. (63) At other times, usually in the spring
season or early autumn, circuses came and went, not always to the delight
of some residents. When ‘Sir’ Robert Fosset’s circus revisited the
town on a Saturday in August 1906, it drew a large attendance to the great
disadvantage of an evening entertainment promoted by the Oddfellows
Friendly Society in Knottingley Town Hall. (64) For the most part,
however, the circus was a welcome event which guaranteed a large
attendance, even when the visitation occurred on a normal working day. The
visit of ‘Lord’ George Sanger’s circus on Wednesday 20th
May 1896 was advertised by a procession of "immense
length and interest" resulting in
a well attended afternoon performance followed in the evening by a ‘crowded
tent’ for a performance described as "Far in excess of the usual
travelling circus." (65) and ending with a representation of the
Sudan War. (65)
With such a
memorable performance it is a wonder that the visit by Bailey’s circus a
few months later wasn’t regarded as an anti-climax but there are no
recorded complaints.
Sanger’s
returned to Howard’s Field in October 1912. Known as the ‘Hippodrome’
and complete with a menagerie and numerous caravans and trailers, the noon
day procession drew large attendances for the varied programme of events
within the huge circus tent. Muggy weather and a rain soaked site did
nothing to detract from the enjoyment of the programme which included many
animal acts. The show took place on Wednesday and the following day the
troupe decamped for Hemsworth where the show was scheduled for Friday. (66)
In terms of
sheer spectacle the fair could not compete with the exotic aura of the
circus but for the thrill engendered by the monstrous high-speed wonders
of modern technology the fair was equally as exciting. In an age lacking
the soi dissent ‘sophistication’ of contemporary society, one in which
simple pleasures gave delight, both forms of entertainment were welcomed
and continued to visit the town for many years.
As early as
1910 the showmen had introduced a ‘Spring Fair’ which was of
considerable size. The attractions that year included a scenic railway,
switchbacks, and cinematograph shows in addition to the usual range of
ancillary items. The fair drew crowds to the Flatts each night including,
somewhat surprisingly, a Sunday evening film show featuring the funeral of
King Edward VII which was ‘greatly appreciated.’ (67) While sources
make clear that the ‘Spring Fair’ was of recent origin, being ‘added
in recent years’, and had become a regular feature from the late 1940s,
such was by no means the case in the early decades. A report of 1932
refers to the appearance of the fairground apparatus as "an
unexpected treat" arranged by
the ‘amusement caterers’ as a stop over whilst en-route elsewhere.
(68)
On the 27th
July 1901, Cr. William Bagley whilst attending a meeting of Knottingley
Urban District Council proposed that the date of Knottingley Feast be
altered from the last week in July to coincide with the August Bank
Holiday. (69) The following year a petition bearing 700 signatures in
favour of the proposed change was presented to the Council. The petition
was prompted by local manufacturers, led by Bagley, who in accordance with
tradition closed their works for the duration of the Feast and again the
following (Bank Holiday) weekend. Bagley, head of the largest of the town’s
glassworks, claimed that closure of the works for the Feast occurred in
the run up to the nationally observed holiday when goods were most
required. By moving the Feast date Bagley asserted, the break would take
place when there was little or no demand for goods and the movement of
goods was in abeyance due to the temporary cessation of railway freight.
The manufacturers further contended that the benefit arising from the
Feast to local inhabitants was confined to two casual days whereas local
industry conferred benefits for 363 days of the year. Doubt was also cast
upon the financial benefit bestowed by the fair which critics argued took
money away from the town.
The tradesmen
of the town were against the proposal. As many of them had businesses
located in Aire Street they benefited from the extra custom generated by
the Feast, trade which would be lost if the Feast were to be incorporated
into the Bank Holiday weekend when their premises would be closed.
The Council
had no power to decree a change in the date but by declining to let the
Flatts in the week before the Bank Holiday could exert a subtle influence
in favour of the proposed change. As the local manufacturers were well
represented on the council it was feared that any direct action by the
Council would be interpreted by the public as pandering to vested
interest. Recourse was therefore made to the Home Office to sanction the
change of Feast date. The Home Secretary replied that he did not have the
power to authorise the change and the matter was therefore left in
abeyance pro tem. However, led by Bagley, the manufacturers continued with
sporadic agitation and in 1906 the proposal was revived. The following
year the Council passed a resolution "That
the Flatts be not let for Feast purposes except on and after the Wednesday
on the week prior to Bank Holiday and that this decision be advertised in
the Yorkshire Post and other papers."
The
townsfolk, resenting the ‘back door’ action of the Council in
effecting a change in the date of the feast without public consultation
were incensed. Led by Mr. J. Drinkwater and Cr. G. Brown, a Town’s
Meeting was convened in the Chapel Street School one Thursday evening in
mid-June 1907. Of seven members of the council present on the occasion,
three, William Bagley, John Jackson and John Harker, were local
manufacturers while a fourth, G.W Reynolds, was employed by Bagley. The
convener of the meeting, J.W. Bentley, was unanimously elected as chairman
of the meeting and opened proceedings by calling upon Cr. Jackson to
explain the decision of the Council. Jackson stated that in passing the
resolution the councillors thought that they were carrying out the wishes
of the townspeople. However, in the course of the meeting Cr. Reynolds
revealed that he had several times been stopped in the street by tradesmen
who had accused the Council of ‘hole in the corner’ conduct to suit
the manufacturers (although he supported the proposed alteration which, in
keeping with his employer, thought would suit the workers). John
Drinkwater said the Council ought to have sought the opinion of the
ratepayers and pressed Jackson into revealing William Bagley as the
motivator of the Council’s recent action. Jackson said Bagley’s
deserved the greatest consideration, having made the town what it was.
Bagley, himself, claimed that the Council had acted constitutionally and
stated that his firm paid more than £350 per annum in rates and over
£1,000 per week in wages. The firm had lost so much through the clashing
of the holidays that henceforth he was determined to close his works for
Bank Holiday only.
Reynolds
moved confirmation of the Council’s action, being seconded by Bagley,
but Mr. H. Coultas countered with a motion of condemnation of the Council
and on a show of hands the latter motion was carried by 51 votes to 30
amidst loud applause.
Bagley
demanded an immediate poll but it was countered by a proposal that the
Council resolution be withheld for the current year and the local public
be polled on the issue. The counter proposal being carried by
approximately the same margin as the earlier vote, the Chairman declared
that in his capacity of Overseer of the Poor he would make arrangements
for a public vote on the matter. (70) Following the Town’s Meeting a
special meeting of the K.U.D.C was convened on the 23rd July in
accordance with notice given by Cr. G. Brown. At the meeting Brown moved
that the Council resolution of the 23rd August 1906 be
rescinded but the motion failed for want of a seconder. (71)
In accordance
with their declared intent the manufacturers declined to shut their works
down for the Feast. The move was a prime example of force majeure for few
workers could afford to take two days voluntary absence and ran the risk
of dismissal if they did (72), as evinced by the case of Albi Pogmore, an
employee of Bagley & Co., Ltd. Who, a few years later was claimed
against in the local magistrates court for absenting himself from work at
feast time. (73)
The
uncertainty arising from the controversy was further exacerbated by a
revival of the dispute concerning the ownership of the Flatts as a
consequence of which Mr. Thomas Worfolk took it upon himself to remove the
posts and chains installed by the council in order to provide the
itinerant showmen with access to the fairground in defiance of the
Council. Having repeated this action the following year the Council sued
Worfolk in the High Court and judgement was entered against him with an
injunction restraining him from future trespass on the Flatts. (74)
Dr. Terry Spencer
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